The Palestinian issue has long been a flashpoint in Middle Eastern politics but the scale and intensity of the latest war in Gaza that broke out in October 2023 has since reshaped the region and has threatened to derail the path towards normalization between Israel and the Gulf states.
After Hamas’s unprecedented attack on southern Israel on October 7, 2023, Israel launched a devastating war on the Gaza Strip and has so far killed more than 64,000 people, displacing the majority of its population more than once, and destroying most of the infrastructure in the enclave, according to UN data.
In a bid to end the devastating war, the Gulf states – particularly Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates – have emerged as pivotal players not just in facilitating ceasefire negotiations and delivering humanitarian aid, but also shaping the long-term political future of Gaza and the broader conflict.
While their strategies differ in tone and method of implementation, the Gulf states are united in one key principle – that any post-war solution must involve a path towards a viable, independent Palestinian state.
No longer confined to their historical roles as financial donors or rhetorical supporters of the
Palestinian cause, these states have engaged in robust diplomacy, humanitarian operations, and strategic negotiations. Their influence now stretches across multiple dimensions: mediating ceasefires, shaping post-war governance frameworks, and leveraging their international relationships to influence the conflict’s broader trajectory.
Israeli attack on Qatar
Qatar is one of the main mediators between Israel and Hamas and has been at the forefront of the efforts to secure a ceasefire, alongside the US and Egypt. Doha has hosted the Hamas leadership for years, and has been central in facilitating negotiations with Israel.
Qatar’s strategy hinges on maintaining open lines of communication with all parties, even those considered pariahs by the West. This policy of strategic neutrality allows Qatar to operate as a bridge — albeit one that draws scrutiny from various sides.
Its commitment to Gaza’s reconstruction is both financial and political, with Doha pledging hundreds of millions in new aid and calling for a reconstruction plan tied to a broader peace process. Despite facing criticism for its ties to Hamas, Qatar has defended its role by emphasizing that it acted as a neutral go-between that is capable of engaging with all sides. In coordination with Israeli and US authorities, it has transferred aid to Gaza over the past decade, and has been the first to push for ceasefire negotiations.
However, despite its efforts in truce talks, Israel struck Qatar on September 9, sending shockwaves across the region. The attack demonstrated that Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu knows no boundaries in attacking a major US allied- Gulf state. The question that arose soon afterwards was whether the US had known about the attack. Washington said it had informed Doha but the heads up seemed to have come at the same time as the sounds of the Israeli attack.
Qatar is home to the largest US military base in the region – that also came under Iranian attack after American strikes on Iran’s nuclear facilities. Israel said it targeted Hamas and that it would target the Palestinian armed group anywhere in the world. This statement – rather than de-escalate tension, came across as another threat towards
Qatar. The attack targeted Hamas leaders as they were meeting to consider a new US-backed proposal for a ceasefire and hostage deal. The group said it survived the attack but chief negotiator Khalil Al Hayya’s son was killed, along with four members of the group and a member of Qatar’s security services.
The response from fellow Arab states was strong, with a number of them rallying behind Qatar in support against Israel. Criticism of Netanyahu’s actions were evident in Western publications as well as within Israel, with one hostage mother criticizing him for setting back efforts towards a ceasefire.
The attack was immediately condemned by Gulf neighbors, once again bringing Doha closer to the countries that in 2017 had expelled it from their clique. Despite the blockade ending in 2021, relations between Qatar and the GCC still remained tense.
Rocky UAE-Israel ties
UAE President Sheikh Mohamed visited Doha immediately in a show of solidarity with Qatar. Abu Dhabi also summoned the deputy Israeli ambassador to protest the attack. Dozens of Arab and Muslim leaders also gathered at a summit in Doha, in solidarity with Qatar. The
countries used unusually stark language in condemning Israel but stopped short of deciding any punitive action. In addition to the attack on Qatar, the summit also condemned Israeli actions from Gaza to Lebanon, Syria and Iran. Qatar called the summit a “message to the world” that the region rejects Israeli aggression everywhere. In a statement during the summit, the UAE said Qatar “is not standing alone” after it was attacked by Israel and that “the united voice of Arab and Islamic countries today must lead to change”, the state news agency Wam reported.
The attack threatens to derail the progress that had been made for a rapprochement between Israel and the Gulf states, particularly the existing Abraham Accords.
When the UAE and Bahrain entered the historic accords brokered by the US in 2020, it was done on the premise that Palestinian statehood would be achieved. But since then, that prospect has drifted further and further away.
Israel and the US had hoped that the golden token would be achieved of bringing Saudi Arabia into the agreement but the war in Gaza and Israeli actions in the region have made this highly unlikely in the current climate. Rather than hope for further countries to join, Israel needs to first ensure that those that did join, stay.
What drove the Abraham Accords was the shared threat of Iran and its growing influence in the region but recently, Israel seems to have replaced Iran as a threat when it comes to the Gulf.
Relations between Israel and the UAE have been souring in recent months over inflammatory remarks by Netanyahu and his right-wing ministers. The UAE has said its “red line” is the Israeli annexation of the occupied West Bank, an issue the likes of Bezalel Smotrich and Itamar Ben-Gvir have been threatening to do. Emirati leaders have explicitly warned that if Israel moves to formally annex the occupied territory, the spirit of the Abraham Accords would be undermined.
Rather than issuing fiery statements or overt political threats, the UAE has relied on its soft power and humanitarian footprint. Emirati aid missions — including field hospitals in Sinai and a floating medical platform off Gaza’s coast — have treated thousands of injured civilians. The UAE also spearheaded evacuation efforts for children requiring critical medical care, partnering with international NGOs and UN agencies. On the humanitarian front, the UAE delivered over 22,000 tons of aid to Gaza, operated field hospitals in Egypt and on a maritime platform in the Mediterranean, and helped evacuate injured civilians. Emirati officials emphasized that any post-war framework must avoid displacement and prioritize rebuilding Gaza as a viable Palestinian territory.
Trade has continued but at a discreet level, avoiding public-facing partnership due to increasing boycotts and criticism globally of countries doing business with Israel. Officials are also more critical in public spaces, speeches and forums.
The Israeli ambassador to the UAE, Yossi Shelley, has also been rendered somewhat of a lame duck after breaking protocol in the country several times, straining relations.
He reportedly posted a photo from inside the embassy in Abu Dhabi which violated UAE security protocols. Israeli media also reported that he was involved in what it described as undignified behavior at a bar in the Emirati capital which upset officials. Because of these events, there is sense that Israeli standing is weaker than when he first took on the role.
Saudi Arabia and political resolution
Saudi officials have made it clear that any normalization of relations with Israel — which had been in the works before the conflict erupted — is contingent on concrete steps toward establishing a Palestinian state based on the 1967 borders. Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman emphasized this condition in regional forums and private conversations with US and European officials, linking peace in Gaza with broader regional normalization.
Saudi Arabia also led efforts to create a united Arab coalition that supports the recognition of Palestinian statehood, signaling a significant diplomatic push intended to isolate hardline Israeli positions while engaging international stakeholders, including the United Nations and the European Union. Riyadh, together with France, are leading a UN conference this month where several Western countries will announce their recognition of a Palestinian state.
The Kingdom has pledged significant financial support for Gaza’s reconstruction but has stipulated that such assistance will only flow through internationally sanctioned channels and in the context of political reforms in Palestinian governance.
Through multilateral diplomacy, media messaging, and behind-the-scenes influence, Saudi Arabia has reclaimed its traditional role as a regional heavyweight advocating for Arab unity — this time with a more pragmatic, results-oriented approach.
Post-war Gaza
Despite the state of relations with Israel, each Gulf state has its own geopolitical calculations and priorities and have presented a largely united front on several key principles throughout the war. Among these are an immediate permanent ceasefire, the release of hostages and the protection of Palestinians and a sovereign Palestinian state.
Gulf officials have also made it clear that the reconstruction of Gaza would not be funded by them unless it was part of a credible political solution – one with Palestinian sovereignty and for some states, a Gaza without Hamas leadership.
One of the most controversial post-war proposals to emerge was the so called “Gaza Riviera” plan that came from US President Donald Trump. The plan envisions turning the enclave into a high-tech, tourism-driven economy over a 10-year trusteeship period. The proposal has drawn criticism from Arab and Palestinian leaders, viewed by many as an attempt to forcibly relocate Palestinian from the enclave.
This sparked an alternative proposal from Arab nations, spearheaded by the Gulf states, to advance a multi-stage reconstruction plan that prioritizes local governance, Palestinian inclusion and multilateral oversight. The $53 billion proposal backed by Saudi Arabia the UAE and Egypt aims to rebuild over 200,000 homes destroyed in the war, create civilian infrastructure, establish a transitional technocratic authority in Gaza – excluding both Hamas and Fatah from the interim governance phase.
The plan proposes a six-month transitional period, after which authority would be gradually handed over to a revitalized Palestinian Authority, reformed under Arab and international supervision. Egypt also proposed creating temporary “safe zones” in southern Gaza to house displaced persons during the reconstruction period, with a goal of fully rebuilding core services and infrastructure over five years. This approach, while more complex and slower to implement, reflects a longer-term vision that integrates reconstruction with Palestinian political empowerment.
The ability of Gulf states to influence the trajectory of post-war planning extends beyond their financial resources or humanitarian support. In 2025, they have increasingly used their diplomatic and economic leverage to shape decisions in Israel, the US and international institutions.
Even in Washington, traditionally Israel’s closest ally, voices in US Congress and State Department have begun to reflect Arab and Gulf positions, calling for the restoration of the Palestinian Authority and the gradual disarmament of Hamas under international monitoring. Despite the extensive destruction in Gaza and the diplomatic paralysis that has marked the Israeli Palestinian conflict for decades, the post-war moment offers a rare window for realignment.
The Gulf states, with their wealth, diplomatic clout, and increasingly strategic international relationships, are emerging as central actors in whether that opportunity is realised.
The key message from the Gulf is clear: reconstruction alone is not enough. For aid to flow and for stability to return, there must be a political solution that upholds Palestinian rights and dignity.
Displacement schemes or indefinite foreign control of Gaza are unacceptable to the Arab world and would likely prolong instability.
In shaping the future of Gaza, Gulf states are not only donors or bystanders — they are architects of a regional peace framework that hinges on justice, reconstruction, and sovereignty. Whether that vision materializes will depend not just on regional will, but on the responses of Israel, the US and the broader international community.
Sara Abrahamian is a GSPI fellow focusing on Gulf states and the wider Middle East and North Africa
